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24 December 2024 | Draft

Condemnation of Protest evoked by Places of Worship

Implications for academies, think tanks, laboratories, arenas and bodies cultivating patterns of belief

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Introduction
Varieties of worship as variously understood?
Worship recognized and cultivated outside religion
Places of "worship" and the protest they may evoke?
Questionable categorization of devotion and worship
Legislative assemblies as places of worship evoking protest -- worthy of condemnation?
Enabling "salvation" nationally and globally via places of worship?
References

Introduction

The Victorian Premier Jacinta Allan has announced a series of measures to crack down on protests, following antisemitic attacks in Melbourne. As a part of those measures, the government of Victoria (Australia) has stated that it would consider legislating safe zones to block protests outside places of worship. (Victoria to ban face masks and certain flags at protests in response to antisemitic attacks, SBS News, 17 December 2024; Laws on masks, places of worship being considered to stop protesters spreading hate, The Age, 15 December 2024; Australian state proposes ban on protests at places of worship to fight rising antisemitism, AP News, 17 December 2024).

A relevant comment from "down under" has been made by Binoy Kampmark (The Strawman of Antisemitism: banning protests against Israel down under, Global Research, 19 December 2024). This cites a joint study by three Australian universities surveying 75 mosques which found that 58.2% had experienced violence between 2014 and 2019.

The Australian initiative is consistent with legislative measures against protest in a number of countries:

Of particular interest in the case of the new Australian initiative is the question it raises as to how "places of worship" are to be defined in light of the variety of possible understandings of "worship". As defined by Wikipedia:

Worship is an act of religious devotion usually directed towards a deity or God. For many, worship is not about an emotion, it is more about a recognition of a God. An act of worship may be performed individually, in an informal or formal group, or by a designated leader.

An obvious concern in formulating those legislative measures is how the definition of worship applies in the case of so-called "atheist churches" (Jacqui Frost, Church without God: How secular congregations fill a need for some nonreligious Americans, The Conversation, 19 January 2024; Brian Wheeler, What happens at an atheist church? BBC News, 4 February 2013; What are atheist churches? The Week, 21 May 2018). The latter notes that the number of "godless congregations" is growing across the Western world.

The matter is far from trivial in that a number of religions continue to encourage very strong measures against unbelievers (or infidels), namely those accused of unbelief in the central tenets of a religion. Each religion may well appropriate an understanding of "worship" to its own practices -- deprecating the practices of others as dangerously misguided, if not inherently "evil". Historically this has resulted in a systematic pattern of harassment and violence instigated by religions against those framed as heretics -- readily reminiscent of those currently held to be "terrorists". In modern literature, the term infidel includes in its scope atheists, polytheists, animists, heathens, and pagans. A willingness to identify other religious people as infidels corresponds to a preference for orthodoxy over pluralism. Such doctrinal beliefs are not subject to sanction by legislative measures notable for their promotion of freedom of religion and freedom of speech.

Religions have long engaged in violence against those worshipping otherwise, and more specifically against their places of worship. India, for example, continues to be witness to acts of violence perpetrated by Hindus against Muslims, and by Muslims against Hindus. Christianity is remarkable for encouraging and ensuring the destruction of the places of worship of other faiths -- and resisting their construction. The process of "church planting" by Christians merits comparison with the protest evoked by proposals for mosque construction by Muslims.

Of particular interest with respect to the deprecation of one form of worship from the perspective of another is the degree to which any narrowly defined form of worship may well be displaced from a religious focus to some other focus entirely -- then "worshipped" quite otherwise. The term "worship" may well be used to describe it, and the focused cultivation of that activity may be recognized by others as a form of worship -- and possibly deprecated as such. From a more fundamental perspective, any form of worship -- as practiced by others -- may be perceived as a misleading indulgence in misplaced concreteness, readily deprecated as idolatry.

Whereas attention may be given to "interfaith worship", it remains unclear what "faiths" are included or excluded from the processes envisaged -- or the varieties of worship which might be appreciated in interfaith worship spaces. Examples include those envisaged by the Australian Consultation on Liturgy (Guidelines for Multi-Faith Worship, Catholic Australia) and the scouting community (A Guide to Running Inclusive Interfaith Services, Gamehaven, July 2023). Despite the initiative of the Parliament of the World's Religions to engender a Global Ethic, no effort seems to have been made to recognize the variety of forms of worship that such an ethic could imply -- an ecology of worship.

Varieties of worship as variously understood?

Efforts are made by individual religions to distinguish the varieties of worship (as with the Salah of Islam). As might be expected, these typically honour only a particular genre of worship (and ignoring others), as partially indicated by the following:

Worship recognized and cultivated outside religion

Potentially problematic in distinguishing "places of worship" is the manner in which the process of "worship" is then defined -- and what is associated with that understanding in psychosocial terms. This is most evident from its metaphorical use, as indicated by the following examples. These exclude the manner in which Christian authors have developed an extensive literature in which any preoccupation is reframed as an act or opportunity for (Christian) worship -- thereby precluding recognition of other understandings of worship. Those so deprecated are then readily framed in terms of idolatry -- on which commentary may be indicative of the questionable nature of the worship in question.

The experiential subtleties of what may be understood as "worship" include what may well be recognized as associated with "devotion" to whatever substitutes for deity in that engagement. Again however Christian authors have endeavoured to appropriate any such sense as primarily focused on their preferred deity.

In no particular order:

Places of "worship" and the protest they may evoke?

In addition to churches, mosques, temples, synagogues and the like, the following may be variously understood as places of worship -- and so experienced -- in the light of the above articulation. In no particular order:

Somewhat ironical, given current controversies regarding the nature of "worship" (both in the light of deprecation of idolatry and sexual abuse where worship is practiced), are the early rituals of sacred prostitution in places of worship -- a controversial matter of continuing study (Emily Whitmore, Sex in the Religion: Sacred prostitutes to Vestal Virgins, Academia; Mary Beard, The Sexual Status of Vestal Virgins, The Journal of Roman Studies, 70, 1980). The irony is all the greater in that search engines now offer references to relevant homophones resulting from predictable misspellings of "worship".

From a functional and systemic perpective, reference is readily made to "Vestal Virgins" and "Sacred Cows" in "places of worship". The term "sacred cow" appears more frequently in business and policy contexts, while "vestal virgin" tends to appear in academic or cultural criticism. Both terms share the implication of excessive reverence and protection of practices or principles that should perhaps be open to challenge and change.

Of ironic relevance to any condemnation of protest in relation to places of worship (as conventionally understood) has been recent documentation of the remarkable extent of unconstrained sexual abuse within those contexts -- and the manner in which any protest has been systematically suppressed by authorities with protection of the perpetrators (Study reveals prevalence of child sexual abuse in religious settings, Phys.org, 5 August 2024; Geoff McMaster, Researchers reveal patterns of sexual abuse in religious settings, Phys.org, 6 August 2020; Dylan Stefanich, Religiosity as a Predictor of Attitudes Towards Pedophilia, Psyche, 1, 2022; Amber Fraley, Why is pedophilia and sexual abuse so rampant in houses of worship? Medium, 12 June 2023).

Questionable categorization of devotion and worship

Any legislative measures envisaged are confronted by a number of unresolved challenges in categorizing places of worship. Whilst legislation may make provision for a variety of conventional forms of worship as practiced in churches, temples, mosques and synagogues, this takes little account of the extent to which primacy may be given to a particular religion and therefore to its privileged places of worship -- as is the case in many jurisdictions. That consideration may encourage worship to be categorized in hierarchical terms with that of the most favoured at the top.

Any hierarchical approach could pose particular difficulties in relation to those engaged in other forms of worship as indicated above -- given the relative consideration it may be appropriate to give to them: military bases vs banks, hospital vs laboratories, etc. The challenge could be usefully recognized as deriving from the relative importance accorded to the variety of human preoccupations evoking devotion if not worship -- a matter on which there is little consensus, as with that of the relative significance of the main religions.

Distinguishing the forms of devotion and worship against which protest might be inappropriately made can then be understood as a far more fundamental challenge of the relative classification of human preoccupations -- which may itself evoke some form of protest against it (Functional Classification in an Integrative Matrix of Human Preoccupations, 1982). Given the potentially problematic manner in which preoccupations may be configured, other approaches merit consideration (Interactive Polyhedral Configuration of Preoccupations, 2023; Visualizing the Coherent Configuration of Incommensurable Cognitive Modalities, 2024). Any such configuration raises questions as to how particular forms of worship and devotion are to be distinguished as more "fundamental" -- with others deemed to be "secondary" (if not to their practitioners), or even "illegitimate". Curiously this could be understood as a design challenge of "worship architecture".

Precluding secondary and inappropriate forms of devotion, theologians and others tend to frame any such configuration through a mysterious understanding of "confluence" in defiance of experiential reality (Teilhard de Chardin, The Confluence of Religions, Theology Today, 27, 1970, 1; Todd E. Johnson, Wisdom at the Confluence of Worship, Theology, and the Arts, Fuller Studio; W. Jardine Grisbrooke, Compenetration of Rites and Confluence of Worship: Ecumenical Perspectives, Studia Liturgica, 26, 1996, 2; Bimala Candra Datta, Sri Ramakrishna Tirthas: Confluence of Devotion and Service, Ramakrishna Vivekananda Institute of Research and Culture, 1980).

Legislative assemblies as places of worship evoking protest -- worthy of condemnation?

The strategic initiatives of legislative assemblies are increasingly a focus of popular protest against which they see themselves righteously obliged to elaborate measures for their prohibition. Curiously in the light of the above argument -- and surprisingly -- such assemblies could well be held to be "places of worship". In the case of Australia, for example, both houses of the Federal Parliament are required by standing orders to commence their daily proceedings with a recitation of the Lord's Prayer of Christianity (Prayers in the Senate: abolition, retention or change?; Why is the Lord's Prayer read at the beginning of each day in the House of Representatives and Senate if Australia is a secular nation? Parliamentary Education Office). Any oath of government office typically invokes the Christian deity.

Curiously also, the leader of the country may be variously nicknamed as "God" -- whether visibly seated in the assembly as prime minister, or absent from it as president. The pattern is especially evident in France (Emmanuel Macron mocked after comparing himself to two Gods in bizarre speech, Express, 25 May 2022). Those elected to such roles, if especially religious, may frame their task as a "soldier of God". Prayer may be a feature of cabinet meetings, or as a prelude to them (George W. Bush - Faith in the White House; Prayer in Bush Administration, The Forerunner, 1 March 1989).

A degree of controversy has been associated, for example, with Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison as a devout Pentacostalist, especially following his secretive appropriation of five ministerial portfolios (Philip C. Almond, Five aspects of Pentecostalism that shed light on Scott Morrison’s politics, The Conversation, 23 May 2019). Suspicions in that regard were notably exacerbated by the commitment of Pentacostalists to societal dominance under the Seven Mountainn Mandate (Steve Davies, Australia’s Pentecostal Extreme World Makeover Exposed, The AIM Network, 13 February 2020; Fernando Mora-Ciangherotti, The Widening, Deepening, and Lengthening of the Seven Mountains Mandate (7MM) Network: the role of network apostolic leadership Religions, 15, 2024, 11).

Biblical deprecation of worship of a sacred calf, calls for comparison with contemporary reference to a “sacred cow” in legislative discourse (Katherine V.W. Stone, Arbitration -- From Sacred Cow to Golden Calf: three phases in the history of the Federal Arbitration Act, Pepperdine Dispute Resolution Law Journal, 23, 2023, 113; Tracy Mitrano, Sacred Cows and Golden Calves: free trade, technology and citizenship, Inside Higher Ed; Important Insights about Sacred Cows Gleaned from the Golden Calf, Lifeway Research, 9 November 2017; ). A sacred cow implies an unspoken agreement or consensus among political actors that certain topics, practices, or individuals are off-limits to criticism or reform (Sacred Cow, Political Dictionary). Opposing political parties readily deprecate the agenda of the other in terms of a "sacred cow" -- whilst potentially worshipping their own "golden calf".

If legislative assemblies invite recognition as places of worship, of relevance is the considerable debate recently evoked by incidences of sexual harassment of those who might well be understood as performing a temple function corresponding to that of the Vestal Virgins of Ancient Rome (One in three parliamentary staffers say they have faced sexual harassment, SBS News, 30 November 2021; Hannah Moore, Bombshell parliament workplace report detailing sex assault allegations ‘not surprising’, News.com, 10 November 2024). Such harassment contrasts with the high esteem in which the Vestal Virgins were historically held (Inge Kroppenberg, Law, Religion, and Constitution of the Vestal Virgins, Law and Literature, 22, 2010, 3). Rather than "golden calf", and as with "golden globes", there is the supreme irony of the implication that it is "golden calves" which are thereby worshipped (Heather Creekmore, Worshipping Calves: what the Old Testament can teach us about body image, Compared to Who? 9 March 2020; Contrasting clusters of operational meaning of "ass", 2003).

The comparison between Vestal Virgins and modern roles like executive PAs, salon hostesses, and geishas reveals complex tensions between protected institutional status and vulnerability to exploitation. While Vestal Virgins were legally protected and commanded extraordinary respect -- with death as punishment for violating their chastity -- their modern counterparts often navigate precarious positions where their proximity to power makes them both influential and vulnerable. Executive PAs may face workplace harassment while maintaining organizational gatekeeping roles; social hostesses balance networking influence with reputational risks; and geishas maintain artistic traditions while confronting persistent mischaracterization of their role. Unlike the sacred inviolability of Vestal Virgins, modern institutional roles that mediate access to power are frequently complicated by sexual politics, from harassment to strategic exploitation of intimate relationships for career advancement. This contrast highlights how protected status and sexual vulnerability have evolved in professional contexts where power, access, and gender intersect.

There is a particular irony in the case of the Parliament of the State of Victoria which (as noted above) may well formulate legislation with regard to prohibition of protest in the vicinity of places of worship. Despite controversy in that regard, that Parliament is also required to commence its proceedings with the Lord's Prayer (Angus Tonkin, Prayer in Parliamentary Proceedings, Parliament of Victoria, 3, 2024, March; Should Australian parliaments axe the Lord’s Prayer? In Victoria it’s up for debate, The Guardian, 17 January 2024). That parliament has however been obliged to recognize formally the need for protection of its own personnel from harassment by its own members within its own services (Parliamentary Workplace Standards and Integrity Bill 2024, Parliament of Victoria, 18 July 2024).

Enabling "salvation" nationally and globally via places of worship?

Whilst clearly not held to be places of worship in a conventional sense, there is a degree of merit to the argument that the dedication and devotion evoked in some by the proceedings of such places could be seen as a contemporary collective quest for "national salvation" -- even "global salvation" -- however this might be understood in secular terms. The rhetoric of politicians may well imply this -- if not explicitly -- a prospect readily encouraged in those who pray for some such outcome, as claimed by some presidents and prime ministers (White House Prayer for Our Nation 1998-2025; Prayer for the Salvation of the World, Catholic News Agency).

It is therefore profoundly curious that the quest for "salvation" articulated by conventional religions should be only too evidently associated with conflict between their adherents -- exemplified by the politics of such religions with regard to the places of worship of other conventional religions. "Our Way -- Or No Way!" From that perspective any purported quest for "global salvation" merits particular examination through the manner in which other "unconventional" forms of worship (as indicated above) are deprecated or ignored -- as with their "places of worship". As with conventional religions, such distinctive forms of dedication and devotion exhibit a degree of mutual suspicion and deprecation -- contrary to any token quests for "interdisciplinarity" and the like.

It is especially intriguing to recognize legislative assemblies as being effectively places of worship in quest of "national salvation" -- a quest undermined by the highly problematic dynamics between political parties accusing each other of focusing on "sacred cows", whether or not this extends to effectively worshipping "sacred calves". This dynamic is reproduced within the United Nations and its Specialized Agencies -- appropriately recognized in their own right as "places of worship" in quest of "global salvation" (Jodok Troy, Salvation by Legitimation in the United Nations, SSRN Electronic Journal, 2017).

Glibly employed, it is far from clear what "salvation" is then understood to signify. From the argument above, there is the implication that it lies at the confluence of inter-faith, inter-disciplinary, inter-cultural, and inter-national discourse -- all of which are fundamentally challenged individually, irrespective of any assumptions regarding their collective "salvatory" or "redemptive" function, or how it might be comprehended and communicated. There is an implication that national and international institutions could focus their devotion on resolution of the multitude of global problems now framed as a polycrisis. Anticipation of that possibility is framed by some in terms of a singularity, itself variously to be understood and called into question (Emerging Memetic Singularity in the Global Knowledge Society, 2009; Comprehension of Singularity through 4-fold Complementarity, 2024).

In a period in which "end times" are variously envisaged, of particular relevance to any consideration of global salvation are the contrasting interpretations of biblical prophecies regarding the salvation of the nations, notably as to whether this will exclude the gentiles and pagans (Isaiah M. Gillette, Salvation of the Nations in Isaiah, NEXUS: the liberty journal of interdisciplinary studies, 1 2024, 2; Jaap Dekker, Salvation for Israel and the Nations: Disputing the Interpretation of Isaiah 25:6-8 as an Announcement of Doom, Bulletin for Biblical Research, 31, 2021, 2; J. Severino Croatto, The ‘Nations’ in the Salvific Oracles of Isaiah, Vetus Testamentum, 55, 2005, 2).

References

Susan C. Karant-Nunn (Ed). Varieties of Devotion in the Middle Ages and Renaissance. Brepols, 2003

Stephen R. Prothero. God is Not One: the eight rival religions that run the world. HarperOne, 2011 [summary]

Aaron Segal and Samuel Lebens (Eds.). The Philosophy of Worship: Divine and Human Aspects. Cambridge University Press, 2025 [contents]

Charles Taliaferro. On Divine Dedication: Philosophical Theology with Jeremy Taylor. Christian Philosophy: Conceptions, Continuations, and Challenges, 2018. [abstract]

Nicholas Rescher. The Strife of Systems: An Essay on the Grounds and Implications of Philosophical Diversity. University of Pittsburgh Press, 1985

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