24th August 2003 | Draft
Future Challenge of Faith-based Governance
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Introduction
Part A: Patterns
of the Past -- Christian Complicity in Global Disorder
-- Faith-based
governance, policies and programmes
-- Infallibility
of Christian leadership
-- Democratic
contradictions in faith-based politics
-- Resolution
of policy dilemmas in faith-based politics
-- Faith-based
evidence
-- Evil and
demonization
-- Faith-based
justice
-- Interfaith
dialogue
-- Faith-based
withdrawal of human rights
-- Torture
under faith-based leadership
-- Faith-based
military action: "Gott Mit Uns"
-- Faith-based
intolerance of disagreement: avoidance of dialogue with dissenters
-- Transference
of moral responsibility for deferred pain
-- Vengefulness
and redemption
-- Complicity
of Christian faiths
Part B: Towards
Fruitful Patterns of Faith-based Governance
-- Addressing
the fragmentation of the various faith communities
-- Historical
review of failures of interfaith initiatives and their learnings for the future
-- Acknowledgement
of faith-based errors of the past
-- Acknowledgement
of the "shadow side" of any collective human enterprise
-- Challenge
of any encounter with "the other"
-- Re-evaluation
of Western and Christian criticism of other approaches to faith-based governance
-- Exploration
of relevance of complexity studies to faith-based governance
-- Recovering
a sense of complementarity necessary to understanding of complex truths
-- Constraining
projections and the missionary impulse
-- Beyond
exclusiveness and exclusion
-- Dissociation
from the hegemonic agenda
-- Responding
to the challenges of misrepresentation in faith-based governance
-- Reframing
interfaith dialogue
-- Sustainable
development and the relevance of faith-based preoccupation with virtues and
vices
References
Introduction
Western civilization emerged into the 20th century following the
neutralization of the religious conflicts between Catholics and Protestants
characteristic of previous centuries. A degree of separation of church and state
was assured -- even in countries with state religions. This trend has been dramatically
reversed through the uniquely Christian inspiration of the Coalition of the
Willing under the leadership of the USA -- in what has been perceived as a "crusade"
against the Islamic faith in particular and against dissidence in general.
The unique characteristic of organized religion in a complex world
is a freedom from public doubt -- whatever private doubts may be matters of
personal conscience. This degree of righteous conviction achieves its most emphatic
and unconstrained expression in the leadership of the Coalition of the Willing.
For it is indeed the case that George Bush (USA), Tony Blair (UK) and John Howard
(Australia) are men of deep Christian faith, whether or not they are born-again
Christians as in the case of Bush and Howard. Secondary members of the Coalition
included the traditionally Catholic countries of Italy and Spain.
The world has had to struggle over centuries with the erroneous
convictions of the Catholic Church regarding many insights of science -- as
exemplified by the delay of four centuries with respect to the discoveries of
Galileo [more].
These convictions were reinforced by an infallible papacy. This struggle now
continues with the increasing conflict between creationism and evolution biology
in the USA -- over which George Bush has claimed to be neutral -- and an emphasis
on faith-based programmes both by Bush and Blair. A particular focus was provided
in 2003 in the debate over the future European Constitution and the implications
of including or excluding any mention of God [more
| more].
The paper is in two parts. The concern here in Part
A is to identify areas in which, through this righteous sense of knowing
the truth beyond any reasonable challenge, Christianity is now directly complicit
in aggravating world disorder -- in addition to the challenges presented by
the many other problems of the world, including terrorism (see online Encyclopedia
of World Problems and Human Potential). This is not to deny complicity
of other faiths (notably Judaism and Islam) but that has been frequently analyzed
in relation to the crisis in the Middle East.
The question is whether Christian leadership of the "free
world" is now perverting the highest values of Christianity beyond recognition.
There is however also a case for recognizing the degree to which science --
in contrasting its perspective with that of religion -- also constitutes a belief
system that has some of the characteristics of other faith-based initiatives.
Such questions have some merit in a period in which the emergent
American global strategy for the 21st century seeks to impose an American order
worldwide -- an order based on American principles, and the privileged American
relation to God, that many in other countries may be challenged to understand.
Other members of the Coalition of the Willing believe, as articulated by Tony
Blair, that it is futile to protest this hegemonic strategy and its benefits
for the world. This hegemony is now being extended by the Bush Administration
in the form of military control of what it terms "near space," thereby laying
claim to the area of the Solar System that lies between the Earth and the Moon's
orbit. "A key objective is not only to ensure U.S. ability to exploit space
for military purposes, but also as required to deny an adversary's ability to
do so," is how the Pentagon's Quadrennial Defense Review (2001) explained
the strategy (see Joel Bleifuss. Rods
from God. 2003)
However, if it is to be accepted, any such faith-based approach
to global governance calls for a proactive exploration of the flaws apparent
in previous faith-based approaches to governance -- on which historical perspective
has been slow to emerge. Attention to the lessons of history is vital if world
civilization is to avoid the traps of the past. Pointers in this direction are
outlined in Part
B.
Any reflection on faith-based "religious" approaches
to governance, should also consider the nature of the "faith" placed
by other sectors of society in their own preferred approaches to governance,
including:
- technocrats: in the economic and global models on which they assume it is
desirable and appropriate to base decisions about governance.
- military: in the inculcated faith in the leadership and command structure
- legal professions: in the rule of law
- business and commerce: in the belief in the role of the market, especially
in relation to "confidence", and in the persuasive power of money
- organizations: in their "value charters" as "credos"
focusing the collective commitment of their employees and members
- employees: in the social safety nets to which they may well commit resources
throughout their working lives
As remarked by John Ralston Saul:
Reason is a narrow system swollen into an ideology. With time and power it
has become a dogma, devoid of direction and disguised as disinterested inquiry.
Like most religions, reason presents itself as the solution to the problems
it has created. (Voltaire's Bastards: the dictatorship of reason in the
West, 1993).
Attention should also be given to the new degree of "faith" which
the leadership in faith-based governance now expects the electorate to have
in its judgement and capacity -- as with Tony Blair's appeals to "trust
me" in a time of democratic deficit and voter apathy. There is considerable
danger that "faith-based governance" will come to mean just that --
an unreasonable dependence on the part of those who govern in the electorate's
"faith" in them, irrespective of strong indications suggestive of
the need for a change of regime. This expectation is a characteristic of many
non-democratic societies.
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